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Introduction: The Economic Game

Imagine watching a chess game without knowing any of the rules of chess. Complicated moves are being made; players are being captured; games are being won. Without being able to ask questions, how long would it take you to deduce the complete rules of chess from simply watching chess games? How many times would you make mistakes and postulate rules that later observations would disprove?
    Now imagine a more complicated game in which some of the moves are random events not determined by the explicit rules of the game. Accidents occur. The game is also being played by players who do not always act in accordance with the rules. They make mistakes. In such a game, constructing the rule book would be a monumental task. Yet it is just such game that economists are trying to dissect. What are the rules of the economic game? How are economic prizes distributed? What determines the actions of individual players?
    Ultimately, the purpose of knowing the rules of any game is to be able to explain how the game works, to predict the outcome of the game, to play the game better, or, perhaps, to design a better game. The starting point however, is our knowledge of the outcome of the current economic game—a game played for life-and-death stakes. We can observe this game directly by looking at the distributions of earnings and wealth. These are the prizes that the economy has distributed. Once we know the distribution of economic prizes, we can begin the task of working backward to understand the process whereby prizes are generated and distributed. (pp. vi-vii).

The random-walk model shows that most large fortunes are not created via a patient process of earnings, savings, investments, reinvestment, and accumulation at market rates of interest. Instead, large fortunes are created in a matter of a few years, although they may be passed on from generation to generation. Compared to the conventional model of wealth accumulation, they are instantaneous fortunes. To understand instantaneous fortunes it is necessary to understand the distributional implications of the random-walk hypothesis, which argues that there are persistent disequilibriums in the real capital markets (the market for real plant and equipment) that are capitalized into equilibrium in the financial markets. This process of capitalizing disequilibrium into equilibrium leads to a lottery like process with equal ex ante expected returns but an unequal ex post array of returns. Different individuals making the same type of investments with the same expected rates of return will actually earn enormously different returns. This unequal ex post array of returns leads to the random-walk process of distributing wealth.
    In both the job-competition and random-walk models, the world in not as deterministic as simple marginal-productivity models would imply. As far as the individual is concerned, he or she is subject to large stochastic shocks in his or her earnings and wealth. Although these shocks are random as far as the individual is concerned, they are in integral systematic part of achieving an efficient economy.

… the policy implications of the job-competition and random walk models are examined. It these theories are correct what economic policies should be altered or put in place?…

… it is important to know which distributional mechanisms are at work in the economy. Depending upon the answer, very different policies will be adopted to accomplish exactly the same objectives. In the end it is not possible to be an agnostic about the distributional mechanisms if you wish to design effective economic policies for accomplishing your objectives. To be an agnostic is to support current economic policies and the distributional mechanisms upon which they are implicitly based. (pp. xii-xiv)

Imagine that you were to be asked to establish rules for distributing economic prizes. The easiest way to envision yourself in the position of everyone else in society is to imagine a giant lottery. You can set any distribution of prizes, but you do not know what prizes you yourself will receive. You might get the largest prize or you might get the smallest prize. As far as each person knows, he has an equal chance of landing at the top or middle or bottom of the social order. Perform the mental experiment. What distribution of prizes would establish if a giant lottery were going to be used to determine your position in life? (p. 29)

Although the random walk has been extensively tested and is widely accepted among professors of finance in business schools, it has not percolated into either the public arena or into basic courses in economics.
    The random-walk literature attempts to prove several hypotheses. First, the expected rate of return on any financial investment is equal to the expected rate of return on any other financial investment in the same risk class. Financial markets are like the economist’s vision of perfect capital markets in that they equalize rates of return but only expected ex ante rates of return are equalized. Actual ex post returns will differ since returns are generated in a probabilistic process.
    Second, once the appropriate adjustment is made for the risk class of an investment, the expected rate of return on any investment will be equal to the average rate of return on all investments (the market average). Once again, the financial market is like a perfect market in that every investment earns the same rate of return but only on an expectational basis. (149-150)

Throwing darts at the financial pages of the New York Times is just as good an investment strategy as trying to accumulate all of the relevant information about a stock. Dart throwing is in fact a better investment strategy since it costs nothing whereas attempts to collect information are expensive. (150)

The random walk is a process that will generate a highly skewed distribution of wealth regardless of the normal distribution of personal abilities and regardless of whether the economy does or does not start from an initial state of equality. … It should be emphasized that there is no equalizing principle in the random walk. Those that have good luck are not more apt to be subject to bad luck than the random individual. There is no tail of large negative losses to balance the tail of large positive gains. You cannot lose more than you have, but you can make many times what you have.
    What is the evidence for the random-walk hypothesis? First an examination of large financial firms (such as mutual funds) indicates that none of them is able to outperform the market averages. Professional financial managers able to make large investments in obtaining market information are not able to outperform the market average or a random drawing of stocks. Second, no one has been able to design rules (when to buy and sell) that yields a greater than average rate of return. Third, tests indicate that stock prices quickly adjust to changes in information (announcements of stock splits, dividend increases, etc.). Fourth, there is no serial correlation among stock prices over time. The price at any moment in time or its history cannot be used to predict future prices. When put together, all of these findings form an impressive body of evidence of the random walk.
    The net result is a process that generates a highly skewed distribution of wealth from a normal distribution of abilities. Fortunes are created instantaneously or in very short periods of time. Personal savings behavior had little or nothing to do with the process. Once created large fortunes maintain themselves through being able to diversify and through inheritance. …

If you the Fortune biographies that accompany its lists of the most wealthy, the winners will be described as brighter than bright, smarter than smart, quicker than quick. But look beyond the description to see if they were simply lucky or possess some unique abilities. Remember the unsuccessful entrepeneur of equal ability will not be featured in Fortune. To what extent were they like many other people but in the right place at the right time? … (151-153)… Under the random-walk model, however, the wealthy are not wealthy because of their productive contribution is higher than others, but because they are luckier than others. For most people luck does not command the same respect as productive merit when it comes to determining whether or not individuals should be allowed to retain control over large aggregations of wealth. (197)… The economic system is deterministic in the sense that it will generate some known and predictable distribution of outcomes, but the position of any one individual is not deterministic. In this sense, job-competition and the random walk are similar to quantum mechanics. The overall distribution of atoms is known, but the place of any one individual atom is stochastic. Ex post individuals who make identical contributions are going to be rewarded very differently. (208)Conclusions
In the end the reader must decide whether the do-it-yourself distributional mechanisms that he or she has constructed are better or worse that the job-competition model for distribution earnings and the random-walk model for distributing physical wealth. Hopefully, there is a net gain from this book even if you decide that your own models of distribution are superior. You will at least have been forced to outline your own theory of distribution more completely and perhaps to have refined them. The ultimate aim of this book is not to create a new orthodoxy that will completely supplant the existing amorphous marginal-productivity theories, but to reopen the process of investigating the actual mechanisms by which earnings and wealth are distributed. (209)

Thurow, Lester C. Generating Inequality: Mechanisms of Distribution in the U.S. Economy, Basic Books Inc. 1975.